Elections to the State Duma of Russian Federation (RESUME)

MARI TSIKLAURI

The nearer are State Duma elections, the greater is the tense in political life of the country. Parties stand in queues for mandates, re-execute their establishment documents, and launch promotion campaigns.

Struggle for the votes of electors already gains momentum before the official start of election campaign in the State Duma.
The Russian pre-election race might interest the rest world more than the subsequent presidential campaign: everything is clear with the presidential compaign, while parliament elections have some interesting nuances.
All main parties have already advertised themselves both by street placates, ridgepoles and TV advertisement. Competition of “preliminary PR” was held mainly between the forces that declared support of V. Putin’s policy as their programme task. Russian electors can well perceive that the financial might of each of the parties is not small. Those who skeptically observed the previous elections in Russia have always wondered what was more important for victory – cunning technologies or administrative resources? Russian as well as Western experts conclude that nowadays word and image jugglery has finally yielded to the might of the powerful levers. Fourchets and briefings, seminars and sessions, party tours in regions, various interviews of chiefs are the realities of the present-day situation.
Evasion of the constitution. “Yedinaya Rossia” is much worried by its future. Serious politicians are well aware, that it will follow the fate of NDR. As we know, much money was spent on Chernomindin’s party formed by B. Yeltsin’s recommendation. The strength of NDR was officials, businessmen, media PR people. However, electors did not believe the slogans of NDR. The dismal fate of “Vibor Rossii”, “Demvibor Rossii” that provided service to E. Gaidar and the New Russians and Non-Russians was definite, too. “Medved” hastily formed through B. Berezovsky’s direct financial aid won the fourth place in the Duma. Though, it did not have luck in regions – it won only nine mandates. Members of “Yedinaya Rossia” have obediently stamped laws thus strengthening criminal capitalistic order and deepening Yeltsin’s reforms suitable to Oligarchs. During the meeting with electors deputies of the fraction find it more and more difficult to justify the federal Land Code, referendum veto, cost and tariffs growth.
Nor alliance with OBP contributed much to the prestige of “Yedinaya Rossia”. Lujkov’s followers lose trust of society, too. The mayor himself has to face more and more difficulties: after the pre-election “outage” Iuri Mikhailovich is plainly worried by his fameless future (compromising materials can always be published). Thus, perspectives of “Yedinaya Rossia” are quite dim.
The Kremlin tried to strengthen the party. Its leadership will wear shoulderstraps ever after. Minister of Internal Affairs B. Grizlov has, in fact, won the status of leader though this title belongs to S. Shoigu.
How can one penetrate to the Duma without having strong political weight? Certainly, under the auspices of the patron – the present president of Russian Federation V. Putin. Members of the Kremlin hatch plans of evading the Constitution and combine election dates of the President and Duma deputies, i.e. to hold elections in March 2004. V. Pekhtin, leader of the fraction “Yedinaya Rossia”, makes the following argument: combination of election dates economizes budget funds. His opinion was published by “Nezavisimaya Gazeta”. We can see that similar opinions find understanding in the Kremlin. V. Putin allegedly holds consultations with some governors to clear out their positions. Of course, he gains support.
Judging by the press, there were supporters of election dates unification in Central Election Committee, too. Chairman of the Central Election Committee A. Veshnyakov has also supported the idea of “Yedinaya Rossia” moreover that it bodes economy of budget funds. What will the unified political action of the Russian government be followed by? In fact, along with the President, “Yedinaya Rossia” will do its best to be one “family” under the Kremlin roof so that not to weaken Putin’s situation as well as to strengthen its “share” in the Parliament. Russian oligarchs are also getting ready for the leap. They strengthen their positions. The regime gave them the lowest tax in Europe, free capital exports, freedom of journey to any part of the world. Even V. Gusinsky has fled abroad. The same was with B. Berezovsky who now teaches the Russians to “water” the Kremlin power .
Oligarchs do not stand aside. They divide parties, spheres of influence, TV channels, regions preparing for the regular redistribution of power and property. They try to find out where they could invest their capitals before the elections, how to win the Kremlin favour given the fact that Putin has all chances to stand for president. They invest their capitals in the present bourgeois parties and fractions thus encouraging lobbyist aspirations of deputies and parties. According to widespread information, many deputies allegedly receive premiums for lobbying bills, deputies’ requests and amendments to the laws. Someone is plainly interested in it. Businessmen, democrat-reformers and “managers” of commercial structures who are interested in reinforcing their domination, are sure to stream to the new Duma elections.
“Centrists”. Who are they? You will not find such agents in the present distribution of political forces. We can not reckon those who defend monopoly, Yeltsin order and egoism of rich businessmen among “centrists”. As a rule, they only veil their designs. In fact, they are by no means the centre. They actively pursue the policy of the ruling regime, serve its interests, oppose the recovery of allied country and restoration of peoples’ power. “Yedinaya Rossia” has never been centrist, neither were its vague shadows – “Russian regions” and “Peoples’ Deputy”. These Duma groups first of all express interests of large capital and the ruling regime.
As for the great number of parties, under Yeltsin multi party membership was akin to the eastern polygyny. The number of parties grew fast. Hundreds of them passed registration in Moscow and regions, promoted themselves through declaration, briefings and newspapers. People learned about them through bulletins in election districts. Blocs grew, too so that to “steal” electors’ votes. This operation was a success under the former President. Many lay hopes on it even now. There are also novelties. There are attempts to reduce the number of parties, to put as many structures to the Kremlin as possible in order to bring them under the control of the Kremlin.
Kremlin directors try to patronize the growing obsequious parties that are suitable to it. Thus, enterprising officials of Turkmenistan Oil Company did not mention Seleznyov’s love of Russia by accident. In Orenburg, the regional department of “Vozrojdenie Rossii” was headed by vice-president of “ONAKO” company N. Kozlov. He did not seem to have heard of any “Rossia” before.
Chairman of Federation Council B. Mironov headed work on forming the party “Zhizn”.
The present regime does not hesitate to do “balck work” creating crisis, dismissing unsuitable leaders of DUMA Committees for purely political motives, breaking agreements, deranging auctions, closing oppositional TV channels, newspapers and firms.
It is not ruled out that the West will soon have to make a choice: either shut its eyes to the fact of governed democracy in Russia or draw attention of the Russian leadership to this fact thus risking to cause its discontent.